Would you keep your eyes closed if Coyote came with anempty bag?" (Howard and Gómez, 1990)
Through the centuries, wisdom was passed from one generation tothe next through folk tales and folk songs. With the formal institutionalizationof modern organic society (Durkheim, l9xx) many of these functionsheld previously by caretakers and religious leaders have beentaken over by educators, teachers and trainers. Nevertheless,like their predecessors, contemporary educators respond to theneeds of the day by revitalizing (Wallace, 1956 xxx) and thenincorporating this wisdom from the past.
As always this process is contextual. In Lubbock, Texas, the crucibleof challenges and the cauldron of wisdom are different than inboth larger cities, such as Los Angeles, and smaller towns, suchas Muleshoe. Lubbock is a relatively new city, founded 1906/1912,incorporatinginto its charter designated living areas for whites, blacks, andHispanics. While de jure segregation no longer exists, this earlierlegacy has created scars. With a current population just under200,000 Lubbock has a normative amount of drug use and racialtension but does not yet have the overwhelming violence of majormetropolitan areas. Solutions to both the drug use and ethnicintolerance seem possible. Yet because Lubbock is in the veryconservative southern Bible Belt, these answers must be formulatedin terms acceptable to a civic community shaped by Southern Baptistand Church of Christ traditions.
Forerunners in both drug and multicultural education in Lubbockand the South Plains area are Dr. Roy E. Howard of the BilingualEducation Program at Texas Tech University, Lt. Col. (Retired)Daniel P. Gómez of the Rural Project (REACH) also housedat Texas Tech, and Marianne Gómez at Williams Elementary.Working together with staff of musicians, educators, artists,and drug counselors, these three have pioneered innovative programsin muticultural education, drug prevention, and multiculturaldrug prevention. In this paper we focus on the work of Howardand Dan Gómez in drug education and multicultural drugeducation. We will describe a typical session for each type oftraining, analyze these sessions in terms of health care issues,then discuss the intercultural implications.
Sessions
In these programs there are three phases to drug education: a)saying "no" to strangers ("stranger danger"),b) saying "no" to friends ("just say 'no"'),and c) saying yes to one's self, friends, and constructive activities.The drug education sessions teach children (K-9), teens (10-12),and adults (college and beyond) how to say "no" to friendsand "yes" to themselves. The multicultural drug sessionseducate children about all three phases. [note b]
Drug Education--Refusal Skills
The drug education programs of Howard and Gómez are basedon refusal skills and vary according to age group. In K-2, thefocus is on safety and on obedience to parents. In 3-6, actualtraining in refusal skills begins; the focus is two-fold, on allat-risk behaviors (not just drugs) and on how to say "no"and keep your friends. In 7-12, the focus shifts to drug educationper se. A typical training session is one such as followsfor a third grade classroom.
The training goals are: a) Briefly identify and use the stepsto Refusal Skills; and b) Apply the knowledge acquired. When Gómezand Howard enter the class they are introduced as very importantvisitors from Texas Tech who will teach them skills they willneed to know the rest of their lives, not just this year, butfor their whole life.
Górnez, Howard and a colleague introduce refusal skillsby defining refusal as saying no and skill as being able to dosomething. When you leave you will know how to say no. They thenreiterate, "Refusal skills are what we use when a goodfriend has a bad idea. We do not use refusal skillswith strangers." Children are asked if they havea good friend, a best friend, if this friend has ever gotten theminto trcuble. By now the children are all involved deeply in whatis happening.
At this point, the four goals are presented: a) to keep friends,b) to have fun, c) to stay out of trouble, and d) to stay in control.Brief scenarios are given to illustrate each goal; for example,Phil calls Roberto chicken for not crossing a dangerous street.Roberto says why don't we stay here and play soccer. Are we havingfun? (The children give an enthusiastic, "yes!")
After the four goals are reviewed, and the class praised, thetypes of trouble you can get into are elicited; such as, thingsthat are: illegal, unsafe, against school rules, against familyrules, and that just do not feel right. Children give examplesfor each category for their own age group, such as (respectively)"drawing on walls" [grafitti], playing in a vacant lot,chewing gum, being rude, and talking badly about someone. Thegoals are reviewed again. The children are asked if they wouldlike to know how to have fun and how to stay out of trouble atthe same time.
After affirmation is received, the five steps are presented: a)Ask questions. "What? . . . Why?" b) Name the trouble."That's trouble!" c) Name the consequences. "IfI do that . . ." d) Provide an alternative. "Instead..."e) Move it, Sell it, Leave the door open. "If you changeyour mind . . ." Verbal examples of each step are given,then the presenters role play a situation between themselves,analyzing it as they go. Afterwards they ask the students if eachgoal has been met. After a "yes" they role play onemore situation and ask the students to name each step as theygo. Third, one student interacts with a presenter. Finally, twostudents are asked to come to the front and role play a situation.The presenters are there to coach if necessary. Several pairsof students have the opportunity (all the children want to try).In between sessions, the presenters highlight the importance ofreversing peer pressure and of challenging the troublemaker.
At the end of the session, the students are assigned to developa role playing session for the following week when the presenterswill be back to video tape them. During this taping session thegoals and the steps are reviewed, and the children are videotaped.The tape is left with the classroom as a training tool.
Multicultural Drug Education Sessions
The multicultural drug education sessions are general "cultureawareness" sessions for K 7. The major goals are increasingappreciation for and tolerance of other cultures and increasingself-esteem and prudence through this cultural awareness. Thesesessions are interactive singing and storytelling sessions thatvary as much by the season and cultural events as by the age group.A typical session is one presented to combined first and thirdgrade classes for Columbus Day.
Gómez started with a "Hawaiian" song. [note ashould be note bi "How many of you did not know there wereNative Americans in Hawaii?" "I did not know either!"From there, Gómez comments on what the children have beenlearning about Native Americans in their classes, then teachesthem the "Voy a Mostrar" song, a show and tell songin Spanish through which they can show off the costumes they havemade in their classes and are wearing.
At this point, Howard is introduced. Howard begins by speakingin Navajo, then Japanese, Chinese, German, French, Spanish, andEnglish, continuing in different languages until a language isrecognized. (Once a language is recognized he incorporates itthroughout the program, in addition to the already trilingualpresentation in English, Spanish, and Navaho.) He starts by talkingabout why there are so many languages in this country. Becausethis is Columbus Day, he focuses on Cristopher Columbus throughan interactive bilingual song about the sailing and an interactivestory about Columbus getting lost and being found by the Caribpeople.
The Carib found him and gave him food, because he was hungry.They gave him water because he was thirsty. They gave himfriendship because he was lost. This was a big mistake.Why? Because they said, "Y'all come back now, 'heah."Why was this a mistake? Because they came back and they broughtsoldiers, and priests, and sailors, and changed their lives foreveruntil there are hardly any Carib people left. They make a mistakebecause they made friends with the wrong people.
That was a long time ago and there is no danger of making friendswith the wrong people any more. Of course not. What about SaddamHussein? Magic Johnson made friends with the wrong people. Howmany of you have a good friend? a best friend?
From this, Howard and Gómez move into a bilingual English-Spanishsong about "My Friend," then talk about how every culturehas a different way of making friends, focusing on the Navajothen the Mexican. In doing so they highight the new experiencesthe Spaniards found in coming to the New World.
With "differences" as a key construct they talk aboutother differences the Spanish found: a) corn (with a song in Spanishand then in English about the corn); b) other foods (with a pattersong in Spanish; the children raise their hands when they recognizea food); c) reactions to food: chile, tobacco, and coffee. Inthe bilingual patter and song that follow about the tobacco andcoffee, the drugs nicotine and caffeine are identified, the traditionalritual uses are described, and the harmful consequences of thesedrugs as misused by the Spanish, and for us today, are discussed.
The focus shifts immediately, however. "But [the Spanish]also learned that the people who lived here could do many goodthings." There is a bilingual Navajo-English discussion ofMaría and her rugmaking, then an interactive bilingualEnglish-Spanish song about rugmaking.
After a stretching song, Gómez and Howard talk about soemthingsad. María's son herded sheep. One day his favorite lambwas an orphan because ma'ii [coyote] had been there. The boy wentto his grandfather, and his grandfather said, "let me tellyou a story . . . ." Then follows the story/song (English/Navajo)of "Ma'ii."
One day ma'ii was very hungry and wanted lunch. He saw the prairiedogs, but he knew they would not let him get close. So he tookan empty bag and went sneaking past them. They were curious. "Ma'ii,what is in your bag?" "Dancing songs." "Singus a song, sing us a song, sing us a song." "Very well,get into a circle and close your eyes." Then ma'ii dancedaround the circle and beat the prairie dogs on the head and putthem in his bag. As he was getting near the end of the circle,one little girl prairie dog opened her eyes. "Aiiie! Trouble!Ma'ii is killing us all!" She ran off. Ever since then allprairie dogs have descended from this one little girl prairiedog who kept her eyes open.
Has anything like this ever happened to you? No? What if a bigcar stopped and the driver asked you if you wanted a ride home.What would you say? (Response: "No.") Louder. ("No!")Even if the driver offered you a nice piece of candy? What wouldyou say? ("No!") (Then in coyote's voice) But this isall make believe. There is no danger. No one will hurt you. (Gómezinterrupts, "No, Dr. Howard, we have to be very careful.Over one million children are lost, kidnapped by strangers.")You mean, taking a ride will be like dancing with your eyes closed?(Gómez, "Yes.") Magic Johnson danced with hiseyes closed (a reference to a recent announcement that he hadcontracted the AIDS virus.
The conversation shifts immediately to the closing presentation.Howard notes that when the Spanish came to America, the NativeIndians were good teachers, but the Spanish did not learn well.So let's pretend that we are Spanish [and see if we can learn].A song about barnyard animals in Spanish and English follows,then the children are thanked for being such good learners.
Both the Drug Education Sessions and the Multicultural Drug EducationSessions create dramas aud involve children in dramas. This dramasinvolve children cognitively, affectively, and behaviorally.
The involvement in drama is straightforward in the drug educationproject. The presenters role play trouble situations in frontof the class and with the class, and then class members role playtrouble situations for the presenters. In so doing, the students:a) become aware. of what trouble is; b) celebrate constructiveand fun activities; and c) develop verbal and nonverbal refusalskills.
The involvement in drama is more complex in the multiculturaldrug education project as shown by the story of ma'ii. Childrenare brought into this story as they identify with the grandchildlistening to the grandfather--they are brought into the hoganby the lowered voice tone and beat of the drum. The children nextidentify with the prairie dogs as they close their eyes with theprairie dogs and as the presenter becomes ma'ii stalking withhis bag of dreams and then striking with his stick. This identificationis brought out of the realm of fantasy and into reality with thestatement "Has anything like this ever happened to you?"
Through involvement in this drama, children learn to celebratediverse cultures and learn prudence. In terms of culture, thechildren learn words (coyote, grandfather, sheep) in three (ormore) languages. The children learn also that relationships theyvalue or fear (grandparent-grandchild, temptor-victim) are esteemedso by others. In terms of drug education, by acting the part ofthe prairie dog, the children become aware that danger was presentnot only for the Navajo but that it is present today, that "keepingyours eyes open" is a survival skill, one needed even whenit seems unlikely.
Analysis
Issues of importance to health communication are cultural conceptionsof health, perceptions and beliefs about health, and culturallyappropriate strategies for preventive health care. In this multiculturalcontext these issues become complex. Here we look at these issuesas defined by Howard and Gómez as racconteurs and changeagents.
Cultural Conceptions of Health
Drug use has cultural roots, so "one person's food is another'spoison." Hispanics and Anglos [note c] have different poisons.
For the Hispanic populations in Lubbock, drug use starts not withmarijuana or cocaine but with tobacco and beer which are closelyallied to both ancient Aztec ceremonies and to contemporary values,and social ills. The Aztec used both tobacco and alcohol in religiousritual. The trace of this ritual is found today in necessary useof alcohol at all religious and social events from baptisms andquinceañeras to Sunday afternoon get togethers. One isnot a good host without beer (such as Coors Light).
Beer drinking and tobacco smoking are for men only. It is appropriatein front of children, but not in front of parents. It is acceptableto get drunk, it is a sign of manliness, a sign that you haveworked hard during the week and that you are taking your well-earnedrest.
But drinking and drunkenness exacerbate cultural tendencies towardviolence. Fighting was honored in the Aztec culture. The valueis carried through in the construct of machismo, the need to defendone's honor (Paz, l9xxx). Yet in contemporary American societythis defense of one's honor (either against another man or one'swife) (songs, l9xxx) is seen as assault and battery (cf. otherbook on drinking in Mexico and the US, l9xxx).
Thus for the Mexican-American the cultural values of hospitalityand male honor may be expressed through excessive drinking andviolence. Preventive drug use starts by identifying these valuesand the role of tobacco and beer as drugs of choice.
For the Anglo-American, drug use is not as gender role specificnor is it as linked to hospitality. Rather, in the Lubbock area,Anglo drug use is related to the values of relaxation and havingfun, immediate gratification, and an inability to cope with failureor problems.
Perceptions and Beliefs About Health Concerns
Three main premises undergird Howard and Gomez' programs: a) that80% of prevention is self-esteem, decision-making, refusal skills,alternatives to drug behavior and values (20% is about drugs)(cf. all the books by Dreikur, l9xxx); and b) teaching cultureis an important way of teaching self-esteem; but c) where a specificenactment of cultural values is no longer legally or personallyappropriate, a different enactment for this cultural value needsto be found. They would argue that these premises are not culture-specific,but culture-general and apply to all at-risk behaviors. Premisesa) and c) are evident in the drug education program. Premisesa), b), and c) are evident in the multicultural drug educationprogram.
Culturally Appropriate Strategies for Preventive Health
The drug education program overtly teaches refusal skills. Italso teaches self-esteem and alternatives to drug-taking behavior.Through the patter, children are praised for their courage andintelligence in resisting at-risk behaviors and are encouragedto see how much fun there is in healthy behaviors. Although theyare not taught directly about culturally inappropriate values,by listing things that are trouble, the children gain an awarenessthat taken-for-granted behaviors (hitting, drinking, smoking)are, indeed, risky.
The multicultural drug education program does not teach refusalskills but it does teach self-esteem and alternative behaviorsthrough culture and it does begin to identify cultural enactmentsthat should be changed. First of all, pride in culture is taught.For example, the Hispanic culture has been not only ignored butalso washed out in Lubbock. Much history and traditions have beenlost. By teaching Hispanic children some of their history theygain a sense of identity. [note d]
The sessions are interactive and fun. The children are engrossed.Through these sessions they learn how enjoyable it is to sing,play instruments, learn languages, and learn arts. They pick upalternatives to at risk behaviors.
Also, in these sessions, both risky and good things about eachculture are identified. The Spaniards discovered America. Butthey were not wise in how they used coffee and tobacco. The Caribswere hospitable. But they made friends with the wrong people.The risky activities still cause trouble. The good things stillare commendable. Therefore emulate the good and disavow the weak.
Implications
Fisher notes,
From the narrative perspective, the proper role of an expert inpublic moral argument is that of a counselor, which is, as WalterBenjamin notes, the true function of the storyteller. His or hercontribution to public dialogue is to impart knowledge, like ateacher, or wisdom, like a sage. It is not to pronounce a storythat ends all storytelling. . . . Once this invasion [into thepublic life is made], the public, which then includes the expert,has its own criteria for determining whose story is most coherentand reliable as a guide to belief and action. (1987, p. 73)
Howard and Gómez enter the public arena as experts andas storytellers. The stories they tell have coherence and arefaithful to the values of the community.
The drug education program's five steps of refusal skills createa coherent and mythic narrative format. There is an introductionto the trouble, conflict or struggle between values, and a happyending. (At the very least, the child has retained self-respectand a friend. At the best, the child has seen him/herself actingheroically.) The values celebrated are contemporary community(Lubbock, TX) values: obedience, self-respect, respect for others,kindness, and love. [note e.]
Moreover, a rationale, or transcendent value, is provided thatopenly links the community values with the children's values (ifyou show self respect, you will be happy and have fun). By actuallypracticing the refusal skills they children participate in themythic encounter between good and evil and see themselves victorious.It is thus easier to actually act so in "real life."[note f.]
The multicultural drug education project programs, though muchmore complex, also have an internal coherence and fidelity tocommunity values. Whatever the theme of the day is is the introduction.The main body focuses on valuing diversity and on discerning goodand foolishness in all cultures. The conclusion is a return tothe theme of the day or to something lighthearted. The valuesand transcendent values are not openly discussed (as in the refusalskills sessions) but, as discussed above, through participationin the songs and activities, the students emotionally give assentto the values of prudence and tolerance.
The multicultural drug education project also transforms the valuesof the community in three ways. First, by presenting with enthusiasmmusic from non-dominant groups (Hispanics, African-Americans)these groups are given a voice, a popular voice, in the classroom.The value of these cultures is applauded as the value of diversityis celebrated. Diversity and tolerance are encouraged also asexamples are given of beneficial and harmful conduct in a varietyof cultures. Children are taught that tradition in and of itselfis not sacred.
Third, stories within stories give a voice to elders from theout groups. Conflict is created. Do we not listen to their advicebecause these are people we do not respect? Do we listen becausethese are elders? Obedience wins, and in the process, both prudenceand cultural appreciation are learned. [note g.]
Howard and Gómez come in as storytellers and storycreatorscelebrating the values of both the dominant and the non-dominantcomunities. They work within the given value systems to promotehealth. While celebrating Spanish exploits they say "let'snot be foolish like the Spaniards and be taken in by coffee andtobacco [and beer]." While celebrating the Anglo emphasison the pursuit of happiness, they clarify that trouble is notfun. They impart knowlege and create wisdom, for, as they recreatethe songs and traditions of the past, they open a new perspectiveonto the present.
The body of literature on communication and drug education isgrowing (cite all the references here). Yet the success rate ofcampaigns such as the Vision Quest and the "Just Say No"is still unknown. Anecdotal evidence from these programs suggestthat when the vision is related to community values and when "justsay no" is framed in heroic measures, compelling reasonsare aroused for saying "yes" to health. Fisher claimsthat narrativity works. While we still need to discover how, theseprograms suggest that this power of myth and narrative is to betaken seriously (cf. Rollo May's new book on the power of myth).
[note b. data was collected through observation in classrooms,at public events, and interviews, Nay 1991-November 1991. Datacollection was approved by the Human Subjects Committee at TexasTech.]
[note a. should be note "b" or 2 while that identifiedas "b" should be a. Hawaiian song = song written byGomez, Gomez, and Howard using Hawaiian beat and melody, usingHawaiian terms, and about Hawaiian issues. see Cantos Para Todosl9xxxx]
[note C. Hispanic-American, one of Spanish descent; Anglo-Americanone who has assimilated English-American values]
[note d - not only hispanic children but also Anglo. For example,North-South inferiority complex. This part of the country exploredbefore the East Coast and is older, therefore, take pride.]
[note e: these values, including love, are posted everywhere inschools; they are part of the open curriculum concept.]
[note f. No actual evaluation. funding from too many sources.anecdotal evidence suggests efficacy. For example, teachers reportoverhearing children using this with each other and a decreasein negative behaviors after a session.]
[note g. This is West Texas. a) non-whites don't exist. b) traditionis sacred. "I don't recycle because my grandmother didn't.c) rule 11 obey your elders.]